Seattle News

22-09-2026

“The Seahawks Control the Game as Seattle Searches for a Police Chief and Reshapes CARE”

Seattle is showing its strength in American football, beating Arizona thanks to a 16-play, 10-minute drive and a touchdown that eliminated any chance of a comeback. Meanwhile, the city is searching for a new police chief: Mayor Katie Wilson’s administration is organizing three forums with the involvement of a nonprofit organization, rather than the ten meetings held under previous mayors, raising questions about transparency. At the same time, the mayor’s office is proposing to transfer contracts with nine violence-intervention organizations from the Human Services Department to CARE—a civilian agency that manages 911—in order to create a unified response system for shootings and bridge the gap between emergency services and long-term support for victims.

“That’s Seahawks Football”: How Seattle Went 16 Plays in 10 Minutes to Finish Off Arizona

The Seattle Seahawks’ 31–7 victory over the Arizona Cardinals was memorable not so much for the margin of victory as for the way the team closed out the game. In the fourth quarter, with the outcome no longer in doubt, the Seahawks put together a textbook drive: 16 plays, nearly 10 minutes of game time, and a touchdown that effectively eliminated even the Cardinals’ theoretical chances of a comeback. The sequence symbolically confirmed that Seattle is building its team around physical strength, patience, and the ability to control the ball—not spectacular but risky decisions.

The official team website devoted an article to the key details of the drive (Seahawks Drive of the Game). After starting running back Jadairian Price left the field with a chest injury, Emanuel Wilson took on the entire workload. On the final possession, he carried the ball 10 times on 17 plays, repeatedly pushing through Arizona’s defense. Wilson put so much effort into the drive that head coach Mike Macdonald had to call a timeout to let him catch his breath.

“He was gassed,” Macdonald admitted. “We called the timeout to get him a breather. We had one running back left, but the offensive linemen got the game ball today. JB [John Benton] broke down that sequence himself—it was awesome. That’s how we want to close out games. That’s Seahawks football. That’s how we want to play. I’m really proud of the team: we were pushing piles, playing through the whistle, playing physical, and reading the front correctly. There were a lot of great moments. We played together, and I’m really proud of how we finished the game.”

A few terms should be explained for readers who are not deeply familiar with American football. A “drive” is a series of plays that one team runs from the moment it gains possession until it loses the ball or scores; 16 plays in a single drive is an exceptionally high number and indicates complete control of the game. A “running back” is a player whose main job is to run with the ball, and that player carries much of the burden when a team tries to “eat clock” and protect a lead. A “game ball” is a symbolic award that the coaching staff gives to players or an entire unit for outstanding work. Finally, the “front” is the opponent’s defensive line, which the offense studies to determine where it is most advantageous to direct the run.

The offensive line also deserves special mention. John Benton was hired in 2025, and the unit became noticeably more cohesive after his arrival. Last season’s statistics are telling: the Seahawks allowed just 27 sacks, the fifth-best mark in the league, while the offense scored a franchise-record 483 points. A sack occurs when a defender brings down the quarterback with the ball behind the line of scrimmage; the fewer such plays there are, the more time the quarterback has to make decisions and the more consistently the offense operates. The line’s reliability allowed Seattle to virtually abandon the passing game late in the matchup with Arizona.

Quarterback Drew Lock, who had little to do on that drive beyond handing the ball to Wilson, made no attempt to hide his admiration for his teammates.

“Wow. Playing behind those guys is awesome,” he said. “They’re an incredible group, an incredible unit. They supported me all week and talked through every detail with me. It was really fun to work with them. And that drive they put together, where all I had to do was say, ‘Ready. Go,’ and then hand the ball to E-Man [Emanuel Wilson], who also did a phenomenal job—it was just awesome. Just great football from those guys.”

The practical significance of the sequence extends far beyond one victory. First, Seattle showed that it can win games without relying on a star running back: Price’s injury did not derail the game plan but simply redistributed the roles. Second, the team displayed a rare commitment in the modern league to “ground-and-pound” football. Long, exhausting drives not only produce points but also wear down an opponent physically, keeping its offense off the field and disrupting its rhythm. Third, the public praise for the offensive line from both the coach and the quarterback sends a management signal: Seattle values the work that often goes unnoticed, not just the statistics. If the team maintains this identity, it could become an extremely difficult opponent in the playoffs, where controlling time and possession is often more important than producing isolated highlight plays.

Seattle Searches for a New Police Chief: Three Forums Instead of Ten, With a Nonprofit as Intermediary

The search for Seattle’s next permanent police chief is becoming less a personnel matter than a test of how willing Mayor Katie Wilson’s administration is to listen to the city. On the surface, the process looks democratic: residents are invited to speak, officials promise to consider their views, and the city says it will make an “intentional and informed decision” based on that input. But a closer look raises a series of questions—from the number of meetings to who is conducting them and how their conclusions will reach the mayor.

According to a MyNorthwest report, residents’ first opportunity to speak will come this weekend. However, the meetings are not being organized directly by the mayor’s office, but in partnership with the nonprofit Seattle Neighborhood Group. In a blog post dated August 25, Wilson’s team announced that “the mayor’s office will partner with Seattle Neighborhood Group to host public forums throughout Seattle.” The nonprofit said on its website and social media that it would hold three forums beginning Saturday, then summarize the results and “report back to ensure an intentional and informed decision with valuable feedback from the community.”

This is where the first contradiction emerges. When public hearings are moderated by an outside organization rather than the city, questions inevitably arise about how feedback will be collected, summarized, and reflected in the final report. That does not mean a nonprofit intermediary will necessarily distort the picture—but it does mean that the transparency of the process becomes a separate issue. Previous mayors also used similar arrangements, but they held considerably more meetings, and the difference is striking.

For comparison, in 2018 Mayor Jenny Durkan announced ten workshops in each of Seattle’s police precincts, along with an online survey. In 2022, Mayor Bruce Harrell held five listening sessions with assistance from the Empower Initiative, followed by two additional meetings involving city employees and several community organizations. In 2024, Harrell cited feedback collected during six earlier public-safety forums held as part of the “Safer Seattle” program, as well as online survey data that helped shape the job description. Against that backdrop, Wilson’s three forums represent fewer meetings than any recent search for a police chief.

The timeline outlined by the mayor’s team is as follows: public participation will continue through October, after which an advisory committee will begin reviewing candidates. In November and December, the mayor will interview finalists and is expected to make a final selection in early 2027. The national search was announced in August, and Wilson has already outlined the desired profile: the next leader should be visible in Seattle neighborhoods and focused on public trust, accountability, and department management.

“I’m looking for a leader who understands that public safety begins with public trust. That trust has to be earned every day,” the mayor said. “The next chief will play a critical role in shaping not only the culture of the department, but also the future of public safety in Seattle.”

It is also worth asking exactly who was brought in to organize the forums. Of the 16 employees and board members listed on the Seattle Neighborhood Group’s website, only two biographies mention experience in criminal justice. Tienny Milnor describes herself as a managing assistant attorney general in the criminal-justice division of the attorney general’s office, while Mergitu Argo works as a community-engagement specialist with the Seattle Community Police Commission and previously served as a community service officer with the city’s police department. The other staff members have extensive experience in community engagement and working with underserved and vulnerable populations—important qualifications for organizing public forums, but not a substitute for expertise in law enforcement.

The meetings are scheduled for Saturday, September 26, from noon to 2 p.m. at the Van Asselt Community Center; Monday, September 28, from 6 to 8 p.m. at the University of Seattle; and Wednesday, September 30, from 6 to 8 p.m. at North Seattle College.

The broader context gives the story additional urgency. The search is taking place as Wilson’s administration makes public safety one of its top priorities. Last week, the mayor announced a new strategy to reduce gun violence: more bicycle patrols in several neighborhoods, the transfer of the community-based intervention program to the Department of Community Response and Engagement, additional youth programs and mental-health services, and formal reviews of homicide cases to identify where city systems failed. Wilson also recently signed an executive order intended to improve Seattle’s response to major emergencies, citing lessons from the deadly shooting at the Bite of Seattle festival, including problems with coordination and public communication.

The response to that shooting remains an important part of the leadership transition. Publicly released correspondence revealed confusion within the police leadership about who was responsible for the situation during the shooting, while the mayor’s office and the police department acknowledged the need for faster coordination and clearer communication during major incidents. Wilson accepted former Police Chief Sean Barnes’ resignation in July and appointed Andre Sales as acting chief during the national search.

Several points require clarification. Seattle Neighborhood Group is a nonprofit that works with communities, and its involvement in organizing the hearings means that it—not city officials directly—will collect and summarize residents’ views. This creates a risk that the final report will reflect the nonprofit’s interpretation rather than participants’ raw input. The advisory committee mentioned by the mayor’s team will review candidates before the mayor interviews them, but its membership and authority have not been disclosed in the report, adding another layer of uncertainty. Finally, the timeline—with a selection expected by early 2027—means the city will remain under an acting chief for quite some time. Decisions made during the transition will therefore affect the police department well before a permanent leader takes office.

The key conclusion is simple: Wilson’s administration says it is committed to public trust, but it is offering residents fewer opportunities to participate than her predecessors did and is outsourcing the collection of feedback to an organization with limited law-enforcement expertise. This is not necessarily a failure—three forums could produce meaningful feedback, and a partnership with a nonprofit may reach people who are not heard at official hearings. But after the Bite of Seattle shooting and amid broader demands for transparency, the scale and mechanics of public participation will be the main test of the mayor’s promises.

Seattle Reshapes Its Response to Gun Violence: CARE Becomes the Central Dispatcher

Seattle’s mayoral administration is proposing a fundamentally different model for responding to shootings and gang conflicts—not one centered on police as the sole point of entry, but one built around a civilian agency that already manages the city’s 911 system. The proposal would transfer contracts with nine community-violence-intervention organizations from the Human Services Department to the Department of Community Assistance and Response, or CARE. The goal is to close the gap between emergency response and the long-term work of helping people trapped in cycles of violence. This is not merely a budgetary reshuffle, but an attempt to integrate civilian mediators and crisis counselors into the same operational structure where decisions are made about dispatching police, firefighters, and medical personnel.

Mayor Katie Wilson included the initiative in her 2027 budget plan. The contracts being transferred to CARE are worth more than $5 million annually. According to CARE Director Amy Barden, the purpose is not to take responsibilities away from the police, but to create a unified coordination system in which every participant understands who is responsible for what and how information is shared.

In a KOMO News report, Barden put it directly: “It’s about moving the contracts to CARE so that we can define the metrics that show that the community providers are doing what they need to do and are partnering with public-safety teams, such as law enforcement.” In other words, the city needs more than reports on meetings held. It needs measurable results: lower recidivism, fewer retaliatory attacks, and young people leaving gangs.

CARE already manages the 911 communications center and coordinates the actions of police, firefighters, and medical responders. Expanding its role would directly integrate violence-intervention workers into that operational structure. Dispatchers and responders would be able to contact organizations immediately when they are already working with people involved in or affected by a shooting.

Barden gives the example of a teenager involved in gang activity and facing the threat of retaliation: “Wherever that child is in Seattle, they should be provided with the right support and the opportunity to safely exit that system.” This is the key idea behind the reform: violence is viewed not as a series of isolated incidents, but as a system from which a person needs help escaping—not simply a reason to punish them.

In practice, the model would work like this. When a report of a shooting comes in, police respond if there is an immediate threat to life. But after the gunfire stops and a suspect is arrested, a second layer becomes involved: support for victims and survivors, work with the neighborhood where the shooting occurred, and intensive intervention for those officials identify as being most closely connected to gun violence. The contracted programs already mediate conflicts, support shooting victims and their families through Harborview Medical Center, and work in neighborhoods where shootings have occurred. Until now, however, these efforts have been fragmented.

“We need law enforcement if shots are fired, but who can respond afterward?” Barden said. “There needs to be victim support, survivor support, and a connection to the community. And also what’s known in the records—records management.” This acknowledges that information about people at risk often remains scattered across different databases and is not used to prevent the next crime.

Wilson’s budget proposal also includes positions for a director of gun-violence reduction and a coordinator within CARE who would oversee the strategy. This is an important management signal: the system would have someone personally accountable for results, not merely for process. The plan also calls for more Seattle Police bicycle patrols in Belltown, Little Saigon, Rainier Beach, and along Aurora Avenue. The department’s narcotics unit would work with gun-violence-intervention groups to target drug dealers who, officials say, exploit people in crisis. Funding for the city attorney would continue so the office can seek Extreme Risk Protection Orders—court orders that temporarily remove firearms from people who pose a significant risk to themselves or others.

Prevention is another major component. The mayor is proposing $600,000 for a new after-school program at Rainier Beach High School, along with peer mentoring and support for community groups working with teenagers. The city will continue youth employment, apprenticeship, and mental-health programs. This recognizes that reactive intervention after a shooting cannot replace work done before someone picks up a gun for the first time.

Finally, Wilson wants to bring in the University of Washington’s Center for Firearm Injury Prevention to evaluate existing intervention programs and identify gaps in services. A partnership with the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions could help Seattle establish violence-reduction councils that review homicide cases and recommend changes to prevent future killings. This is no longer simply a city initiative; it is an attempt to connect Seattle to a national research infrastructure in which every homicide becomes a lesson for the system.

The reform’s context is important. It has been a bloody summer: a mass shooting at the Bite of Seattle festival in July and a series of shootings in Belltown on Labor Day. Those events prompted the mayor’s office to reconsider the existing model. Police could not simultaneously maintain order, investigate crimes, and perform social-work functions. Transferring the contracts to CARE is an acknowledgment that public safety cannot be reduced to arrests.

But an important question remains: Can a civilian agency that manages 911 effectively coordinate nine different organizations without becoming trapped in bureaucracy? Barden says the goal is “to eliminate gaps between city departments and make information about available community services more accessible during an emergency.” The key phrase is “during an emergency.” If the system works, Seattle could eventually have a model in which every shooting generates not only a police report, but also a connection to long-term support. For now, it is only a budget proposal, but it establishes a direction: from fragmented grants to a unified operating system.