World News

28-06-2026

Latin America’s Reaction to Trump’s Policies: Pressure, Influence and Disputes in the Region

Latin American capitals continue to watch closely — sometimes with concern — how US foreign policy, in the spirit of the Trump era, is reflected in diplomacy, trade, and the political agenda across the ocean. At the center of the discussion are not only economic levers, but also more “soft” mechanisms of influence: arrangements, pressure through laws and demands, as well as disputes over digital rules and control in the information space. Against this backdrop, contradictory assessments are being heard: some see in the American moves an attempt to strengthen Washington’s position and reshuffle regional power dynamics, while others point to shifting signals that are felt particularly painfully in the context of the fight against criminal structures.

This material was prepared based on publications with sources from Venezuela: www.youtube.com (Venezuela) and www.elespectador.com (Venezuela).

The United States, Cartels and Digital Sovereignty in Latin America

In Venezuela’s information space, two storylines are quickly merging into one overarching conclusion: the United States continues to use the language of security, trade and technology as an instrument of political influence in Latin America. At first glance, the topics seem different — fentanyl on the US–Mexico border and Colombia’s digital agenda — but both stories show how Washington sets the conversation framework about the region in a way that suits it.

In a short commentary available via this link, journalist Jesús Esquivel draws attention to the contradiction between Markwayne Mullin’s statements that cartel groups allegedly fully control Mexico’s northern border and Donald Trump’s claim that the flow of fentanyl across the southern border of the United States has fallen by at least 60%. For a Venezuelan audience, this looks not just like a dispute over numbers, but as an example of selective American rhetoric, where complex cross-border processes are reduced to slogans about “fighting drug cartels.” Esquivel, in turn, directly says that such an approach glosses over issues such as illegal arms trafficking and money laundering on US territory itself.

That is exactly what makes the story especially understandable for a Venezuelan reader. In the region, people are well familiar with the feeling that Washington talks about security in the logic of domestic politics, and assigns responsibility for crises selectively. Amid sanctions, accusations of drug trafficking, and an ongoing media conflict with the United States, the Venezuelan lens easily reads double standards in such statements: publicly — fighting threats, in practice — ignoring its own role in chains of violence and illicit flows.

A similar perception applies to material about the United States’ digital agenda in the region. In an El Espectador article, using Colombia as an example, a broader Latin American trend is analyzed: Washington uses trade agreements not only for tariffs, but also to lock in rules in the sphere of data, platforms, and artificial intelligence. For Venezuela, this is especially sensitive, because it is no longer about oil or borders, but about digital sovereignty, access to government databases, and the right of a country to regulate technology corporations.

The author writes that agreements such as ART «impiden impuestos a los servicios digitales» (“prevent taxes on digital services”), «limitan regulaciones» (“limit regulations”), and guarantee the circulation of data. In other words, the main US bet is not just trade, but access to data and limiting the ability of states to build rules for the digital market on their own. In the Venezuelan context, this causes particular concern: the country already lives under sanctions pressure, technological isolation, and a sharp dispute over how far the state can control digital infrastructure without becoming dependent on external providers.

The article also separately mentions examples from the region that look like warnings for Venezuela as well: in El Salvador — projects such as Doctor SV and Nemotron-Personas; in Argentina — Gemelo Digital Social; and the influence of Palantir, linked not only to data, but also to security and migration. For a Venezuelan audience, this is especially significant because here, topics of control, migration, and digital monitoring have long been seen not as abstraction, but as part of real policies of pressure and managing the population. Against the backdrop of mass emigration of Venezuelans, any talk of expanded collection and analysis of data sounds far more acute.

In the end, both stories converge into one common political takeaway: the United States does not merely comment on the region’s problems, but shapes a framework within which Latin American countries are expected to act. In one case, it is a narrative about cartels and fentanyl, in which inconvenient aspects are kept under wraps — weapons, money, and domestic responsibility in the United States. In the other, it is digital agreements that could shrink space for independent policy and tie countries to external technological interests. For Venezuela, this becomes yet another reason to emphasize the need for digital sovereignty, caution in negotiations, and distrust of Washington’s statements — especially when they sound like universal solutions for the region.