In northern Syria, place names have long ceased to be neutral signposts. Against the backdrop of ongoing conflict and the country's division, they have turned into a powerful tool of political struggle, historical revisionism and legitimization of authority. This is most evident in regions controlled by Kurdish formations, such as the "Autonomous Administration" and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). By renaming towns, streets and entire areas, a new narrative is being created here about a place, its history and belonging — often at the expense of its complex, multi-component past.
Historically, the northern territories of Syria were never an independent national entity, but were part of larger political spheres centered in Damascus or Aleppo. Over centuries this region has been characterized by ethnic and religious diversity, with Arabs, Syriacs, Assyrians, Armenians and Kurds living side by side. The demographic picture began to change from the late 19th century due to migrations and resettlement policies, resulting in Kurdish populations settling in some northern areas and becoming part of the local social landscape.
Today this process is taking new forms. Specific towns are being systematically renamed in the public space of SDF-controlled territories: Ayn al-Arab is referred to almost exclusively as "Kobani," Tell Abyad — as "Girê Spî," and Ras al-Ayn — as "Serêkaniye." Moreover, new, broad geographic concepts are being created and promoted, such as "Rojava" or "Kurdistan of Syria" — terms that were absent from official maps before the conflict began. These names serve not merely as waypoints but as symbolic instruments for creating a new political reality and justifying a special status for the region.
Critics of this approach point out that it is based on a selective, oversimplified reading of history. By foregrounding one ethnic component (Kurdish), the new narrative often marginalizes or ignores the contributions and presence of other groups — Arabs and Christian communities. Towns with a relatively recent history of urban development, such as Qamishli (founded in the 1920s) or Afrin, are presented as original "Kurdish" centers. This turns the debate over names into a dispute about "who is the true owner of the land," deepening social rifts and complicating any prospects for future national reconciliation in Syria.
Thus the danger lies not only in the threat to Syria's territorial integrity, but in a fundamental revision of geography itself as a political project. The region risks being redefined according to the interests of external alliances and ideologies rather than its own complex, intertwined reality. The author's proposed solution is not to deny the Kurdish people's rights to language and culture, but to reject the monopolization of history by a single group. Recognizing the full spectrum of the region's historical heritage and diversity is the only way to avoid further escalation of identity-based conflict.
Comments on the story
What is "Rojava" and how is this term connected to the broader Kurdish political movement in the region? - "Rojava" is the Kurdish name for the autonomous administration in northeastern Syria, proclaimed in 2014 by Kurdish forces largely associated with the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the People's Protection Units (YPG). The term symbolizes a push for Kurdish self-administration within Syria and is part of a broader Kurdish political movement that includes various groups fighting for cultural, political and territorial rights of Kurds in Syria, Turkey, Iraq and Iran. However, the movement is not unified: for example, the PYD/YPG are ideologically close to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey, while other Kurdish groups in Syria may maintain ties with the Kurdistan Region's government in Iraq.
What is the historical and contemporary status of the city of Qamishli, given that it was founded relatively recently in the 1920s? - Qamishli was founded in 1926 during the French Mandate over Syria, primarily as a settlement for Armenian and Assyrian refugees, as well as Kurds. Historically it became an important economic and administrative center in the al-Jazira region. In the contemporary context, after the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011, Qamishli de facto became the capital of the Kurdish autonomous administration "Rojava," although formally it remains under partial control of the Syrian government (for example, the airport and some districts are controlled by the Syrian army). The city has a mixed population (Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs/Assyrians, Armenians) and symbolizes the complex intertwining of loyalties in northern Syria.
How did resettlement policies in the late 19th and 20th centuries affect the current ethnic makeup of northern Syria? - Resettlement policies significantly altered the demographics of northern Syria. In the late 19th century, the Ottoman Empire resettled Muslim refugees (for example, Circassians, Chechens) in these territories after wars with Russia, increasing the non-Arab population. In the 20th century, especially after the creation of modern Syria, the government pursued "Arabization" — for example, in the 1970s under Hafez al-Assad a so-called "Arab Belt" was established along the border with Turkey, where Arab families were granted land that previously belonged to Kurds. This led to tensions between Kurdish and Arab populations and contributed to the present ethnic divisions that affect conflict and governance in the region.
Full version: تغيير أسماء المدن في شمال سوريا.. الجغرافيا كسلاح سياسي