On the Syrian coast, where the population is predominantly Alawite, demonstrations are taking place in cities like Latakia. Protesters accuse the new authorities of abuses, killings and abductions and demand a constitution that guarantees the rights of all Syrians without discrimination, as well as stable security. Their opponents, however, see these demands as an attempt to exploit popular anger or even a project of secession to create a parallel state, which heightens tensions in an already fraught period.
Mustafa Rustam, a representative of the Alawite community and head of the political bureau of "Western and Central Syria," said that Alawites have been subjected to a "massacre by the new government forces." He claims that, having surrendered their weapons, they were deceived, expecting a different approach from the state, and now have no choice but peaceful protest. Rustam insists that Alawites do not seek to divide the country, but only demand a social contract and federal governance as guarantees of their rights, emphasizing that they are an integral part of Syrian society.
On the opposite side is activist and journalist Muhammad Shazar az-Zubi, who accuses the so-called "al-Assad community" of attempting to secede and create a state called "Ugarit." He categorically denies claims of a massacre on the coast by the new authorities, blaming the Alawites themselves, who, he says, "betrayed the unified security forces," luring them into ambushes. Az-Zubi recalls that many leaders of security forces under the Assad regime were Alawites and committed crimes against Sunnis.
In response to these accusations, Mustafa Rustam rejects the idea of collective responsibility of all Alawites for the crimes of the previous regime, pointing out that there were also Sunnis among its leadership. He stresses that Alawites are not interested in dividing the country or in having a government belong to a particular confession. Their goal is legal protection through a federal structure, since, in his view, the state does not provide them security from armed groups, forcing them to seek their own guarantees.
The discussion has revealed a deep split between the parties, based on mutual accusations: Alawites demand constitutional guarantees and protection, while their critics fear separatism and revenge. Some current leaders recognize the coast’s demands as legitimate and call for national unity, but disputes over historical responsibility and the threat of retribution undermine the possibility of quick agreement. The situation remains extremely fragile, and there is a risk of further escalation of tensions if judicial, security and political issues are not resolved transparently and fairly for all population groups.
Comments on the news
- Who are the Alawites in the Syrian context and what is their historical role and demographic position in the country? - Alawites are a religious group within Shia Islam, making up about 12% of Syria’s population. Historically they were a relatively marginalized minority, living mainly in the mountain areas of western Syria. After Hafez al-Assad (an Alawite) came to power in 1970, they occupied key positions in the security apparatus and the state, which ensured the dominance of this community in the country’s political life for decades.
- What is meant by the "new authorities" in Syria, how did they come to power and how do they differ from the previous regime? - The "new authorities" usually refers to the government of Bashar al-Assad, which consolidated its power after 2011 during the civil war. They did not come to power through a regime change, but by retaining control over much of the country with decisive military support from Russia and Iran. They differ from the pre‑2011 regime in their greater dependence on external patrons, tightened security, economic collapse and loss of control over significant territories, although the main state institutions and the dominance of the Baath party have been maintained.
- What is Syria’s current administrative-territorial structure and how realistic or controversial is the demand to shift to a federal system in the local context? - Officially Syria remains a unitary state divided into 14 muhafazat (provinces). However, de facto the country is divided into zones of control: government-held areas, Kurdish autonomous formations in the northeast (Syrian Kurdistan), and Turkish-influenced zones in the north. The demand for a federal system is most actively promoted by Kurdish groups with the backing of some external actors, but it is strongly rejected by the Damascus government, which sees it as a threat to territorial integrity and a step toward partition. Locally the idea is highly controversial: it is mainly supported in Kurdish regions but opposed by the Arab majority and many minorities who fear further destabilization.
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