The United States is preparing to mark the 250th anniversary of independence— the longest-lasting attempt at republican rule in modern history. Yet behind the celebratory narrative lies a deep historical contradiction: the rhetoric of freedom and equality sharply contrasts with the genocide of Indigenous peoples carried out before the country was founded and with repressive practices afterward. The text recalls that “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” coexisted with an economy built on slavery and the forced labor of Africans, the exploitation of day laborers, and the stripping of women of basic rights up to the 20th century. Once again, the central question emerges: what will allow humanity—and especially the United States—to endure for another quarter of a millennium?
According to the author, the only and most important answer is the abolition and complete elimination of nuclear weapons, which pose an existential threat not only to America but to the entire world. The article traces the history of the nuclear age as a chain of fateful decisions: from the 1941 Manhattan Project, the 1945 bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the removal of Bikini Atoll residents for testing, to more than a thousand atomic and hydrogen explosions on the Marshall Islands, in Kiribati, at Johnston Atoll, in Nevada, New Mexico, Colorado, Mississippi, Alaska, and elsewhere. In the end, an arsenal was created capable of “destroying much of the planet’s higher forms of life.”
Notably, opposition to the project emerged already in its early stages, proving that concern was not belated. Physicist Lise Meitner said: “I will have nothing to do with the bomb.” Nobel laureate Isidor Isaac Rabi refused to join the effort: “I don’t want the crown of three centuries of physics to become a weapon of mass destruction.” And Joseph Rotblat left Los Alamos as early as 1944 after hearing from General Groves that “the true purpose of making the bomb was to subjugate the Soviets.” Later, Rotblat devoted his life to disarmament: he helped draft the Russell-Einstein Manifesto (1955), founded the Pugwash Conferences (1957), and received the Nobel Peace Prize (1995).
The threat was perceived not only as a scientific problem, but as a question of civilization’s survival. As early as 1947, U.S. Vice President Henry Wallace spoke at Madison Square Garden: “I don’t hear marching armies—I hear a world crying out for peace.” He warned that the success or failure of foreign policy could mean the difference between life and death, and sometimes between humanity’s continued existence and its disappearance. Today, the author notes, such critical voices have almost vanished from public discourse—many believe that nuclear weapons “ensure our security,” without grasping the full extent of the horror that these arsenals carry.
Against the backdrop of weakening warnings, the article cites fresh signals of escalation. According to the author, on June 10, 2026, the Director of National Intelligence in the United States, Tulsi Gabbard, said that the world is “closer to nuclear annihilation than ever.” And in January 2026, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists moved the Doomsday Clock 85 seconds closer to midnight, repeating the warnings of nuclear strategists who seriously discuss the possibility of “winning a nuclear war.” The article also mentions Donald Trump and his circle, who have repeatedly hinted at the possibility of violating the nuclear taboo.
In the end, the article returns to the main question: what is needed for humanity to last another 250 years? And it repeats the answer: cancel and eliminate nuclear weapons as the core condition. The author believes that if the American public understands the threat and begins demanding disarmament, it will create pressure capable of bringing about real change. Then one day it may be possible to celebrate the 500th anniversary of Independence Day. Any delay in confronting the nuclear risk, the text emphasizes, exposes everyone to the likelihood of an unimaginable catastrophe.
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What are the Pugwash Conferences and what are they known for in the context of nuclear disarmament? — The Pugwash Conferences are international meetings of scientists, launched in 1957 at the initiative of Albert Einstein and Bertrand Russell. They are known for creating, in the midst of the Cold War, an informal channel of dialogue between Soviet and American experts on nuclear security. The conferences contributed to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1995 for efforts to prevent a nuclear threat.
What role did Henry Wallace play in U.S. history, and why did his position on foreign policy contrast with the dominant line? — Henry Wallace was U.S. vice president under Franklin Roosevelt and the Secretary of Commerce. After World War II, he advocated cooperation with the USSR, opposed the arms race, and supported disarmament—sharply contrasting with the dominant “containment of communism” line in the Truman administration. Wallace criticized the Marshall Plan and NATO as provocative, and was removed from decision-making; his views were considered “pro-Russian” and marginal during the McCarthy era.
Which organizations and experts determine the Doomsday Clock’s setting, and how widely are their assessments recognized in the international community? — The setting of the Doomsday Clock is determined by the Science and Security Board of Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists), which includes leading physicists, ecologists, and experts in nuclear policy. Their assessments are recognized as a symbol of global vulnerability, but they have no binding force; they are widely cited in the media and academia, although some critics note subjectivity and an excessive alarmist tendency.
Full version: 85 seconds tell you not to celebrate, Mr. Trump